Secretary-General Kofi Annan (left) meeting with former Prime Minister of Sudan, Sadiq Al Mahidi. 
(UN Photo #EDD560)

HAITI – KOFI ANNAN’S LEGACY

By Serge Beaulieu
UN Bureau Chief  

October 5, 2004 (CNS NEWS)  

Considering the grandeur of Kofi Annan, people will be amused at this proposal to have Haiti as his legacy.  Nevertheless, we are putting it forth.  This brings to mind how Kofi Annan, on his first visit to Washington , responded to a journalist at the Foreign Press Center by saying, “Well, one can always profit from unsolicited advice.”  

Annan is at the end of his term of office.  The African arena has been a mess for him.  The Darfur , Sudan situation can become another Uganda .  To his credit, the struggle to combat the HIV/AIDS epidemic is well funded.  

Haiti , which has been almost a failed state, is on the brink of going either way.  In order to change the situation, the country needs a powerful commander capable of changing the whole thing, especially with the financial power to do so.  

The forthcoming election in Haiti is impossible.  There are no candidates in view with enough strength or popularity to stop the insecurity.  The only possibility is for Kofi Annan to take over and manage the affairs of the country as Dag Hammarskjold did in the Congo in the 1960’s.  

The United Nations is already present on the ground with thousands of soldiers, and the financial help for Haiti is ready.  A Marshall Plan should be put into action.  

Hammarskjold did not risk his prestige as Secretary-General when he became involved personally in the Congo .  Instead, he made the Congo his legacy.  We are not discussing his success or failure; we are discussing his direct involvement.  

I have been watching Kofi Annan for years.  I still cannot determine his real thoughts about Haiti .  But I am sure that, as an African, he is intrigued by the world’s first black republic, and I would not be surprised that, sooner or later, he will make a move to help this failing state reemerge, as Hammarskjold did in the Congo in the 1960’s.  Perhaps what he needs is a Ralph Bunche along with a change in the Security Council’s mandate.  

Haitians must realize that they have to swallow their pride it they want their country to regain its position in the family of nations.  

                                                                        ####

TO REWRITE THE STORY OF HAITI …$1.08 BILLION PLEDGED

By Serge Beaulieu
U.N. Bureau Chief  

New York , July 22, 2004 (CNS NEWS)  

After a two day meeting in Washington this week, the international community— including the World Bank, the European Union, the Inter-American Development Bank, France, the United States, and Canada—pledged $1.08 billion for the development of Haiti.  $500 million of this sum had already been pledged and blocked by the U.S. , which was fighting the government of then-president Jean Bertrand Aristide.  

Now that the Latortue-Boniface Alexandre government has been installed by the U.S. , the door is wide open.  Aristide appears to be gone forever in his retreat in South Africa . However, his partisans continue to demonstrate for his return.  

The Secretary-General of the United Nations has designated a former Chilean diplomat, J. Gabriel Valdes, as his representative to Haiti .  

The question is: What is going to happen to Haiti.  

The Caricom countries, which until today are in rebellion against the manner in which the U.S. removed Aristide from office, will most likely finally come to accept the fait accompli and invite Haiti to return to the Caribbean family.  It will be good for them and good for Haiti , which will now command a strong market position if the pledged funds are released.  

The Latortue-Alexandre government is still in a situation where organizing elections is a challenge. The party of Aristide has already decided it will not participate. Nobody in Haiti seems to be in command of that party, and there are suspicions that Aristide is maneuvering from his exile in South Africa . Those who were waiting for his indictment in alleged drug business involvement are still waiting.  

Can elections be held without Aristide and his Lavalas party? The answer is probably yes, but the situation in Haiti will deteriorate into a greater division of the Haitian society.  

With over $1 billion pledged, a lot of jobs can be created, which may pacify a majority of the masses. But, the rich are going to become richer, and the spectacle of a country after 200 years of independence won’t have changed much from the days of slavery. With globalization there is no room for revolution. But, the number of the discontented—both in Haiti and around the world—is getting larger and larger.  

What should the Haitians do? First, they should accept any type of development from the international donors, since the country is in ruins. They should continue to strive toward political reconciliation, although this concept is not part of Haitian tradition. They should accept the Americans, whether they like them or not, and cooperate in the building of their own country. They need electricity, housing, drinking water, health care, and jobs. Only the Americans can provide this.  

Celebrating their 200 years of independence, Haitians should refrain from rejoicing, since their country is occupied by foreign troops, which include some from France , the country from which they won their independence two centuries ago. It is a sad story and a sad state of affairs.  

Haitians always think that the Vatican can intervene, since Haiti is officially a Roman Catholic country. They believed that when they were being slaughtered by Rafael Trujillo, dictator of neighboring Dominican Republic . Apparently the Pope has forgotten them, and perhaps God has also.  

French dramatist Alfred de Musset said in one of his plays: « La seule chose qui me reste au monde est d’avoir quelquefois pleurer». [The only thing that I have left is to be able to cry.]

From left: Caribbean Community (CARICOM) Barbados Foreign Minister Billie Miller shake hands with Haiti's Interim Prime Minister Gerard Latortue, Haiti Foreign Minister Yvon Simeon, center, and Bahamas Foreign Minister Fred Mitchell after a press conference at the International airport in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, Wednesday, July, 14, 2004. Behind Billie Miller is Foreign Ministerof Antigua and Barbuda Harold Lovell (Courtesy of AP )

CARICOM/HAITI BROUHAHA

By Serge Beaulieu
U.N. Bureau Chief

United Nations, New York, July 14, 2004 (CNS NEWS)

A team of five foreign ministers from Caribbean countries is in Haiti this week to discuss a new approach to the dilemma of relations with the U.S.-backed Haitian government.

After the departure of Haiti's president Jean-Bertrand Aristide on February 29, Caricom's 14 member countries have tried very hard to show that they are in command in their region. But, with U.S. interference, they had to back off. They were not even able to convene a U.N. General Assembly meeting in order to find out what had happened to their man in Haiti, who claimed that he had been kidnapped, put on a plane, and sent to the Central African Republic, without his consent.

The U.S.-backed Latortue regime in Haiti quickly responded by announcing that it had broken relations with Jamaica, which had provided temporary refuge for Aristide after he left the Central African Republic.

During his subsequent visit to the United Nations last March, Latortue claimed that the question of Caricom was "behind us."

"Not so," said some Caribbean leaders.

At Caricom's recent Heads of State conference in Grenada, the question arose again. They decided to send a fact-finding mission to Haiti, comprised of five foreign ministers from Antigua, Barbados, the Bahamas, Trinidad, and Guyana.

In order to recognize the government of Haiti, the Caribbean Heads of State requested the following: release of Aristide's former prime minister Yves Neptune from jail; a date be set for a general election; a disarming of all banned forces, including the insurgents who overthrew Aristide; and a guarantee of full participation in the election, including the supporters of Jean Bertrand Aristide.

This is a diplomatic success for Caricom, which has been able to stand fast until now against the mighty United States.

On another front, U.N. Secretary- General Kofi Annan in a solo approach designated J. Gabriel Valdes, a former minister for foreign affairs of Chile, as his representative to Haiti, with a budget of more than $172 million for a 6-month period. With a cap of 8,000 troops, he knows that he is the real governor, especially when the World Bank is on the eve of approving another $924 million to put Haiti on its feet. 

The sad part of this is that the whole situation happened at the time Haiti was proudly celebrating the 200th anniversary of its revolution against imperialist forces of Europe. Haiti, the world's first black republic, is paying a heavy price for its past glory.

Let's watch.

########

                                                                                            Michelle Montas
                                                                                                                    Spokesperson for GA
                                                                                                                            President

U.N. GENERAL ASSEMBLY MEETS AGAIN

By Serge Beaulieu                                                                           
U.N. Bureau Chief

United Nations, New York, July 14, 2004 (CNS NEWS)

As was expected after the decision of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in favor of the Palestinian position regarding Israel's security fence, the General Assembly is reconvening this Friday to study the matter and, probably, issue a resolution.

Michelle Montas, spokesperson for the president of the GA, announced this decision at a  regular press briefing at headquarters. It was not a surprise to anyone, but one has to notice that in the case of Haiti's request to investigate allegations of kidnapping of its former president, the Assembly did not budge, nor did it in the case of Iraq. This seems to indicate that the question of Palestine is still alive and of great concern to the members of the international community.

Over the years, being unable to implement its own resolutions has weakened the power of the General Assembly. From 49 original members, the membership has grown to 191, giving the developing world a majority. That is precisely the concern of the Israeli government, which is fighting for survival.

The United States, an ally of Israel, has decided that the Palestinian question has to be decided by the Security Council, which is mandated by the Charter to solve the problem of peace and security in the world. It has even created a Quartet group for the sole purpose of bringing peace to the area. So far, nyet.

Asked if another decision of the General Assembly on this matter would not continue to weaken the power and prestige of the GA, the president's spokesperson said that a decision on this matter by the Assembly would be considered at least a moral victory.

GOVERNOR BILL RICHARDSON BRIEFS FOREIGN PRESS
ON UPCOMING DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION

By Sondra Singer Beaulieu  

The following is an excerpt from CNS News Caribbean Report published in May of 1999:

 PROCEDURE FOR THE MISSION

THE GENERAL SITUATION OF THE MISSION

"Bouboule and members of "Nations and Cultures"

L’ECHEC
WHAT WILL BE HAITI’S FUTURE?

Fort Lauderdale, Florida, June 5, 2004 (CNS NEWS)  

Popular broadcaster Serge Beaulieu, affectionately known as Bouboule, was the keynote speaker to a crowd of Floridian Haitians Saturday night at the Broward County Main Library in Fort Lauderdale. He asked the audience to explore with him l’échec— Haiti ’s 200 years of failure.  

The three-hour conference also featured the poet Heraste Obas, who passionately expressed the hope that Haiti will not perish.  

Senagalese Professor Babacar M’Bow, who had just returned from a conference in Trinidad and Tobago, spoke de la memoire à l’histoire, stressing the importance of respecting one’s heritage.  

Wearing his signature bow tie and speaking in his mellifluous, deep, and penetrating voice, Bouboule asked: “Will Haiti survive? He said the land would always be there but wondered about the society as it exists today.  

After the slave revolt that won Haiti ’s independence in 1804 from Napoleon’s France , Haitian society saw the disappearance of the white conquistadors, while the mulattoes and the blacks managed to survive, even while distrusting each other.  

Most of the mulattoes maintained their wealth, educated their children in France, Switzerland, and Germany, and kept a European flavor on the island.  They built gourmet restaurants that served the finest French wines, established their own social clubs, and managed to be in charge of the government.  

In the late 1940s, Bouboule said, a social revolution began, which enabled the blacks, who had been living in abject poverty, to have aspirations of power. This movement was short-lived, but in 1957, Francois “Papa Doc” Duvalier appeared on Haiti ’s political scene with the goal of giving power to the masses. The Duvalier regime, father and son, lasted longer than previous ones but was mired in controversy. It was viewed askance by the international community, which was anxious to end the era of the caudillos, civil and military in Latin America . The Dominican Republic’s Trujillo , Nicaragua’s Somoza, and Haiti ’s Duvalier were targeted, and the communists had dreams of controlling the world.  

After the fall of the Duvaliers in Haiti , the brief period of relative calm that emerged was suddenly reversed by another type of government: the ochlocracy. The populista, the masses, overwhelmingly embraced the message of a young, activist priest, Jean Bertrand Aristide, whom they nicknamed “Titid” and viewed as a savior.  

But, in less than one year, the military reacted and Titid was overthrown. He went into exile, first in Venezuela , then to Paris , and finally found a niche in Washington , where he was able to meet with the most powerful of America ’s political elite, including the Clintons and the Kennedys. After two years, Titid, with the help of 20,000 U.S. Marines, was able to return to Haiti , where he resumed the presidency. But his tenure did not fulfill the people’s expectations, and he was at odds with the mulatto class. The fight ended the same way—but this time with the American power overthrowing him. The vacuum was quickly filled with American-backed individuals, who today don’t seem to know what Haiti ’s future will be.  

Within that thumbnail historical context, Bouboule questioned the future of Haiti and the coexistence of the two societies: mulatto and black. Titid left Haiti with the masses poorer, disillusioned, and more desperate than they had ever been. Unfortunately, for the first time in the country’s history, the masses had destroyed century-old institutions, such as the historical cathedral of Port-au-Prince where Haiti ’s great hero Toussaint L’Ouverture spoke. On February 29 this year, when Aristide’s overthrow was known, the masses burned to the ground banks and homes and ransacked established businesses. Without a quick intervention once again by the U.S. Marines, that trend would have continued until today.  

Now, while 8,000 United Nations troops are in the process of arriving in Haiti , some of the country’s provinces are not under the U.S.-backed government control. Bouboule questioned the extent of the hate of the masses for the other part of the society. Time constraints prevented a deep analysis, but it seems that both historically and now the political leaders have been interested in taking the power—not in improving the country or the well-being of its people. The warning bell in Bouboule’s urgent message was that, unless something changes, in the future, the two societies may not be able to coexist.  

The audience seemed to agree with his points il faut comprendre avant d’apprendre (It is necessary to understand before one can learn) and that there is a difference between le dire and le faire (saying and doing).  

Bouboule said that the future of Haiti is in the hands of the youth and that they have to be taught how to steer the ship.  

The seminar, sponsored by “Nations and Cultures,” was a celebration of its first anniversary on radio in southern Florida . The organizing committee included Jean-Rony Monestime, Fritz Obas, Felix Norvilien, Francelet Fileus, Samson Myrtil, and Henri-C.K.P. It was a night to remember.  

L’ECHEC
WHAT WILL BE HAITI ’S FUTURE?

Fort Lauderdale, Florida, June 5, 2004 (CNS NEWS)  

Popular broadcaster Serge Beaulieu, affectionately known as Bouboule, was the keynote speaker to a crowd of Floridian Haitians Saturday night at the Broward County Main Library in Fort Lauderdale. He asked the audience to explore with him l’échec— Haiti ’s 200 years of failure.  

The three-hour conference also featured the poet Heraste Obas, who passionately expressed the hope that Haiti will not perish.  

Senagalese Professor Babacar M’Bow, who had just returned from a conference in Trinidad and Tobago, spoke de la memoire à l’histoire, stressing the importance of respecting one’s heritage.  

Wearing his signature bow tie and speaking in his mellifluous, deep, and penetrating voice, Bouboule asked: “Will Haiti survive? He said the land would always be there but wondered about the society as it exists today.  

After the slave revolt that won Haiti ’s independence in 1804 from Napoleon’s France , Haitian society saw the disappearance of the white conquistadors, while the mulattoes and the blacks managed to survive, even while distrusting each other.  

Most of the mulattoes maintained their wealth, educated their children in France, Switzerland, and Germany, and kept a European flavor on the island.  They built gourmet restaurants that served the finest French wines, established their own social clubs, and managed to be in charge of the government.  

In the late 1940s, Bouboule said, a social revolution began, which enabled the blacks, who had been living in abject poverty, to have aspirations of power. This movement was short-lived, but in 1957, Francois “Papa Doc” Duvalier appeared on Haiti ’s political scene with the goal of giving power to the masses. The Duvalier regime, father and son, lasted longer than previous ones but was mired in controversy. It was viewed askance by the international community, which was anxious to end the era of the caudillos, civil and military in Latin America . The Dominican Republic’s Trujillo , Nicaragua’s Somoza, and Haiti ’s Duvalier were targeted, and the communists had dreams of controlling the world.  

After the fall of the Duvaliers in Haiti , the brief period of relative calm that emerged was suddenly reversed by another type of government: the ochlocracy. The populista, the masses, overwhelmingly embraced the message of a young, activist priest, Jean Bertrand Aristide, whom they nicknamed “Titid” and viewed as a savior.  

But, in less than one year, the military reacted and Titid was overthrown. He went into exile, first in Venezuela , then to Paris , and finally found a niche in Washington , where he was able to meet with the most powerful of America ’s political elite, including the Clintons and the Kennedys. After two years, Titid, with the help of 20,000 U.S. Marines, was able to return to Haiti , where he resumed the presidency. But his tenure did not fulfill the people’s expectations, and he was at odds with the mulatto class. The fight ended the same way—but this time with the American power overthrowing him. The vacuum was quickly filled with American-backed individuals, who today don’t seem to know what Haiti ’s future will be.  

Within that thumbnail historical context, Bouboule questioned the future of Haiti and the coexistence of the two societies: mulatto and black. Titid left Haiti with the masses poorer, disillusioned, and more desperate than they had ever been. Unfortunately, for the first time in the country’s history, the masses had destroyed century-old institutions, such as the historical cathedral of Port-au-Prince where Haiti ’s great hero Toussaint L’Ouverture spoke. On February 29 this year, when Aristide’s overthrow was known, the masses burned to the ground banks and homes and ransacked established businesses. Without a quick intervention once again by the U.S. Marines, that trend would have continued until today.  

Now, while 8,000 United Nations troops are in the process of arriving in Haiti , some of the country’s provinces are not under the U.S.-backed government control. Bouboule questioned the extent of the hate of the masses for the other part of the society. Time constraints prevented a deep analysis, but it seems that both historically and now the political leaders have been interested in taking the power—not in improving the country or the well-being of its people. The warning bell in Bouboule’s urgent message was that, unless something changes, in the future, the two societies may not be able to coexist.  

The audience seemed to agree with his points il faut comprendre avant d’apprendre (It is necessary to understand before one can learn) and that there is a difference between le dire and le faire (saying and doing).  

Bouboule said that the future of Haiti is in the hands of the youth and that they have to be taught how to steer the ship.  

The seminar, sponsored by “Nations and Cultures,” was a celebration of its first anniversary on radio in southern Florida . The organizing committee included Jean-Rony Monestime, Fritz Obas, Felix Norvilien, Francelet Fileus, Samson Myrtil, and Henri-C.K.P. It was a night to remember.  

CNS NEWS

Fort-Lauderdale, Le 05 Mai 2004  

Sénateur Serge Beaulieu
En ses Bureaux  

                                    Objet:  Invitation  

M. le Sénateur,  

            Dans le dessein de célèbrer son premier anniversaire sur les ondes et au service de la communauté haitienne du sud de la Floride, “Nations et Cultures” organisera une recontre le Samedi 05 juin 2004, baptisée  “rendez-vous avec l’histoire”.  

            En effet, le comité d’organisation, sous légide d’un plan stratégique, vous a choisi comme “conférencier d’honneur”.  Et, il espère votre allocution sera sur “l’échec”.  

            A noter que votre choix constitue le symbole du respect que les jeunes étudiants haitiens voudraient montrer á l’égard de ceux qui prêchent au quotidian l’unité de la famille haitienne.  

            Espérant que cette invitation sera appréciée, le comité d’organisation vous prie, M. le sénateur et diplomate de carrière, d’agréer l’expression de ses remerciments les plus patriotiques.  

Pour le comité:  

[signé]

AFTER US, IT WILL BE US
APRE NOU, CE NOU

By Serge Beaulieu
U.N. Bureau Chief  

United Nations, New York, May 1, 2004, (CNS NEWS)

If U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan had his own way, he would ask for a 10-year mission to Haiti. His special advisor, Trinidadian Roland Dumas, went even further and asked for 20 years.  The Security Council, however, decided Friday on a 6-month period, with advance assurance that the mission would be renewed.  

A decade ago, the Security Council gave the Clinton Administration carte blanche for an invasion of Haiti with 20,000 U.S. Marines to return Jean Bertrand Aristide to power and install democracy in the world’s first black republic. On January 29 of this year, the same Marines were called upon to remove Jean Bertrand Aristide and send him back into exile at a place which, still today, is undetermined.  

Nobody blamed either the United States’ administration or the United Nations. Everyone blamed Haiti. Some U.S. officials are convinced that the Haitians cannot run their own country—something they’ve been saying for two centuries.  Kofi Annan seems to echo that sentiment. Today, French troops patrol the soil of Haiti precisely in the town where 200 years ago they were defeated and Haiti gained her independence from Napoleon.

So, what has happened to Haiti’s glory and the Haitians? During the country’s 200 years of history, the Haitian elite were considered brilliant, crisscrossing the entire world with their finesse and sophistication. They attended the finest European schools and graduated with excellent marks. Some of them worked abroad in financial institutions, and, at the United Nations, they cooperated in the building of emerging Africa. Former U.N. Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjold even appointed a Haitian, Max Dorsainville, as his personal representative to the Congo in the tumultuous 1960s. Not long ago, another former U.N. secretary-general, Boutros Boutros Ghali, chose a Haitian as his chief of staff.  

When it comes to managing the affairs of their own country, however, the results are always negative. A Haitian proverb: apre nou, ce nou (meaning: “after us, it will be us”) has always been put into application—with the same result. The Haitian masses have remained in the same misery they experienced under French slavery.  

In 1957, Francois “Papa Doc” Duvalier introduced a new system of government, where the middle class replaced the power traditionally occupied by the country’s mulatto elite. Although a change was made in the structure of command of the country’s affairs, the actual situation did not change that much, except, for a blink in time, the elite had to stand by and watch the middle class in overall charge.  

The departure of the Duvaliers created a vacuum that a popular priest from the slums, Father Aristide, quickly and easily filled. For a while, there was hope that there would be a change in the societal structure of Haiti. But the fighting between the elite and the masses had become so entrenched, observers realized that the more things changed, the more they remained the same. Finally, the Americans decided overnight to get rid of Aristide, without preparing a transition. Today’s Haiti appears to be at the beginning of a huge turmoil, which is going to divide the country even further.  

Haiti’s current government is creating the problem itself. The Constitution states that, in order to avoid chaos, elections must be held no later than 90 days from the takeover of a new government in situations such as the current one. But this government (nobody knows where it came from) has decided that it needs two years before holding an election. Only another month remains to fulfill the spirit of the Constitution. In the meantime, massive dismissal of Aristide’s people in governmental positions has already begun. Some of them have gone into hiding, in fear for their lives.  

The Security Council seemingly could care less about a true reconciliation in Haiti. It approved Kofi Annan’s April 16, 2004 report, which went so far as to say that Haiti’s new president was “sworn in as interim President, in accordance with the constitutional rules of succession” – an assumption which is not correct.  However, the Security Council apparently considers its mission accomplished, just like the first time when it sent the 20,000 U.S. Marines to return Aristide to power. In fact, Lakhdar Brahimi, who is making headlines today, was rewarded with positions as U.N. Special Representative to Afghanistan and then to Iraq for having done a superb job Haiti.  

Haitians, however, are not strangers to the destruction of their own country. A so-called elite in Haiti still considers themselves the beneficiaries of the slavery system, looking at the masses as an instrument to exploit. They live well, their children are well educated abroad, and they represent all the foreign companies doing business in Haiti. Haiti for them is paradise.  

On the other hand, you have the masses, who are tired of being exploited, dying of hunger, poverty, and disease. On a grand scale, nobody seems to care. On a smaller scale, however, Protestant churches have been erected all over the country, sometimes with medical dispensaries attached. Their mother churches in the United States support them. Some of the missionaries are former prisoners who found God and were sent to the island for rehabilitation. Overall, they comport themselves well, with very few scandals. Even the Mormon Church has tried over the years to save the souls of the Haitians, but their attempt at conversion has not had a high success rate. Only the heir to part of the famous Mellon fortune, the late Larry Mellon and his wife, Gwen, created a big project simply to help the masses. Unfortunately, their Albert Schweitzer Hospital built in Deschapelles, in Haiti’s Artibonite Valley, has deteriorated since their deaths.  

Haitians are still suspicious of foreigners, because of deep memories of slavery, but today they are too weak to fight. After the departure of their leader, Jean Bertrand Aristide, they no longer believe in anyone but await the arrival of the Messiah.  

Ten years, twenty years of a United Nations peacekeeping force will do what? Nothing. It is not the Brazilian troops who are going to “civilize” the Haitians. They know it, and the Haitians know it. Apre nou, ce nou (after us, it will be us). Citing this Haitian proverb, the people know that life will continue with hopelessness and misery. But, as it always has, Haiti will survive and the blancs will leave.

CNS NEWS HAITI

Boniface Alexandre, acting President of Haiti

U.N. REPORT FANTASIZES CONSTITUTIONAL LEGITIMACY OF HAITI ”S NEW INTERIM PRESIDENT

By Serge Beaulieu
U.N. Bureau Chief  

CARICOM’S DIPLOMATIC BUNGLE

By Serge Beaulieu
UN Bureau Chief  

United Nations, April 13, 2004 (CNS NEWS)  

The fourteen countries of Caricom did not even exist when the Monroe Doctrine was enacted in 1823 to protect the interests of the United States against the intrusion of European powers in the affairs of America .  Haiti was already an independent country but continued to suffer the humiliation of the European powers with a powerful United States averting its eyes.   

France, England, Italy – even Germany – continued to ransom Haitian ports in dispute with a weak Haitian nation. It took the United States more than 30 years before recognizing Haiti as an independent country.  Nevertheless, Haiti has survived, and, hopefully, will continue to survive.  

With the United Nations decolonization movement in the 1960s came the independence of the British Caribbean islands. They were quick to unify under a treaty to form a trade association in 1973 that they called Caricom. This trade association evolved to become a political body that requested to participate in the Organization of American States (OAS), the regional organization, and as a block at the United Nations as well.  

For several years they ignored Haiti, one of the largest countries in the Caribbean, until the creation of the ACP (the Africa, Caribbean, Pacific Group of States).  Spain, one of the major European donor countries, indicated it was interested in helping to finance Caribbean development as a whole, not just the former British Caribbean islands. Haiti was accepted as a full member, while the Dominican Republic was invited to participate in some capacity.  

The arrival of Jean Bertrand Aristide as Haiti’s head of state was a way for Caricom to expand its membership and speak as an inclusive Caribbean organization. It is in that light that when President Aristide was overthrown, or, as Aristide alleges, kidnapped, Caricom found itself in a delicate situation to intervene for one of its leaders. The situation could have remained there if Jamaica’s Prime Minister Patterson had not decided to offer hospitality to the deposed Haitian president from his place of temporary exile in the Central African Republic.  Patterson’s invitation, and Aristide’s acceptance, provoked a hasty reaction from Haiti’s US-designated prime minister, Gerard Latortue, who recalled the country’s ambassador from Jamaica and cut relations with Caricom.  

Patterson, taken by surprise by this reaction, decided to submit the question at the forthcoming Caricom Heads of State meeting in St. Kitts in March. The Caricom Heads of State, in turn, decided to withhold recognition of the US-backed Latortue government and requested a meeting of the United Nations General Assembly to discuss Aristide’s allegation that he was kidnapped at gunpoint by the US ambassador and a group of Marines and put in a US plane bound to nowhere, until he recognized that he was in the Central African Republic.  

The investigation requested by the Caricom Heads of State was approved by the 52 countries of the African Union. So far, nyet.  An adviser named by UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, Reginald Dumas of Trinidad, expressed surprise at Caricom’s delay in lodging its request for the probe, sparking a tiff with the Trinidad and Tobago foreign Minister, Kwolson Gift. Gift said he was doubtful of Dumas’ justification for his observation, since the investigation called for by Caricom was not within his purview.  

Meanwhile, last Monday, US Secretary of State Colin Powell landed in Haiti’s capital city Port-au-Prince to offer support and legitimacy to Latortue’s government.  

At the United Nations, Deputy Secretary-General Louise Frechette, in opening remarks to a meeting in New York between representatives of Caricom and the UN system, said that the UN is seeking to draw in all relevant actors and pursue a common strategic aim in Haiti.  

“We will explore with Caricom, as well as with the OAS, what each of us is best positioned to contribute, in cooperation with our Haitian partners,” she said. “And since Caricom, the OAS, and the UN system will remain in Haiti long after the peacekeeping phase ends, we need to ensure that an integrated and common approach is followed.”  

Looking at the broader issues facing the Caribbean region, the Deputy Secretary-General noted that one of the main areas of collaboration between the UN and Caricom is trade, particularly the joint effort to press for greater liberalization and an international trading system that brings development gains for the bloc’s countries.  

Frechette’s presentation did not include mention of Caricom’s request for a General Assembly probe into Aristide’s allegations, and US Secretary of State Colin Powell has said that such a probe would serve no useful purpose. Has the matter simply died? Although the president of the General Assembly is the representative of St. Lucia, a Caribbean country, backed by 52 African members of the AU, it appears that without the okay of the United States no group can convene the General Assembly.

Caricom Heads of Government Withhold Recognition
of Haiti’s U.S.-Backed Latortue Regime  

March 27, 2004 (CNS NEWS)

By Serge Beaulieu  

During a two-day meeting in Basseterre, St. Kitts and Nevis, Caribbean Community (Caricom) heads of government decided to withhold recognition of the U.S.-backed Latortue/Boniface regime of Haiti.  

On February 29, Jean Bertrand Aristide was toppled from power and sent into exile in the Central African Republic by what he later called a kidnapping by U.S. agents under instructions from U.S. Ambassador to Haiti James Foley.  The U.S. Administration categorically denied Aristide’s version of events, stating that he resigned of his own free will and was provided with a plane to give him safe transport out of the country. They added that by so doing the U.S. saved his life, which had been threatened by internal insurrection.  What was supposed to be a simple transition of power became marred with controversy and conflicting versions.  

Under the Haitian Constitution, in a vacuum of power, two articles—Article 148 or Article 149—must apply.  Neither one was used.  Article 148 calls for the prime minister to assume the executive power until clarification of the president’s status.  Article 149 calls for the president of the Supreme Court—with the consent of Congress—to assume power and organize elections within 45 to 90 days.  

The dilemma in Haiti is that there is no sitting Congress.  But, after the departure of Aristide, someone decided that Boniface Alexandre, President of Haiti’s Supreme Court, could assume the presidency anyway. In addition, in the middle of the night a quick meeting of the U.N. Security Council was held at the request of the United States, where Aristide’s ambassador himself presented a letter from Boniface Alexandre as president of Haiti requesting troops to be sent to his country right away. The Council unanimously voted on a resolution to send the troops. U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan became further involved by authorizing a member of the United Nations Development Program to create a tripartite council, on which he—a foreigner—would serve, to designate seven “wise men” to name a prime minister. It was as if Haiti were an African country without any tradition of government. What an insult.  But Haitians, in their quest to get rid of Aristide, accepted it anyway.  

Haiti is without a constitutional government, and its former president is currently in Jamaica, just 130 miles from the shores of his homeland. The U.S., France, and the U.N. appear to have been caught in an international conspiracy against Jean Bertrand Aristide, who stills holds the card of legitimacy. It is under these circumstances that a threatened Caricom organization met under heavy pressure from the U.S., France, and the U.N. to reject Aristide’s pretension and even expel him from Jamaica.  

Nevertheless, Caricom decided courageously to withhold recognition of the U.S.-backed Latortue/Boniface government. But for how long can one confront the world’s sole superpower?  The Caribbean countries never had to live under the Monroe Doctrine, but they may be well aware of the Bush doctrine: Those who are not with us are against us and must face the consequences.  

Bypassing the U.N. Security Council, Caricom has called for the U.N. General Assembly to investigate the circumstances surrounding Aristide’s departure from Haiti. Caricom is hoping for the support of the African Union in this matter.  

In the meantime, Jean Bertrand Aristide is in limbo in Jamaica.

Only through a long-term commitment to help [Haiti] can stability and prosperity be assured. Half-hearted efforts of the past have been insufficient. We cannot afford to fail this time. Secretary-General Kofi Annan, Ottawa, Canada, 9 March 2004

HAITI —
GOVERNMENT, BUT NO GOVERNING LAW YET

By Serge Beaulieu
UN Bureau Chief  

United Nations, New York, March 19, 2004 (CNS NEWS)  

In their rush to overthrow the constitutionally elected government of Jean-Bertrand Aristide, the French and the Americans forgot that there must be a governing law in place in order for the country to function. In less than a week they created a bizarre form of government, which has nothing to do with the tradition of the country.  

A council of “wise men” substituted itself for the national sovereignty and chose a man to form a government, under which law no one knows. This act alone abolished the Constitution of 1987, which had, until then, been the fundamental law of the country. Nobody dares to say it.  

Ministers have been designated and sworn in before their ministries were even created. There are no internal rules governing those ministries while the prime minister is making statements and decisions affecting the country. For example, he announced the breaking of relations with Jamaica and suspension of Haiti ’s participation in Caricom affairs. Normally, the Constitution of 1987 reserved this prerogative for the president of the republic. But who knows? The new prime minister may now be in charge of the country’s external affairs.  

In the meantime, Herard Abraham, a former general of what was called the defunct Haitian army, has been designated as minister of the interior and has announced publicly that he is going to institute a commission to reinstate the army, since that institution is still an integral part of the Haitian Constitution. But which Constitution is he referring to, since the government is not a product of any governing law?  

In the past, when a de facto regime took over the power, the Constitution was abolished immediately until further consideration. But this regime is simultaneously playing both a de facto and a constitutional role. At the United Nations, the spokesman for Kofi Annan is a little more cautious, repeating that there is no parliament in Haiti to ratify those officials. In the meantime, a defiant Aristide, who is visiting Jamaica,  calls himself the constitutional president of Haiti, creating a dilemma for the international community.  

Where do we go from here? Massive humanitarian assistance appears to be the key for bringing the world, including a nervous Caribbean and Latin American community, to accept the fact that superpowers can jump in the middle of the night with their troops, overthrow a constitutional government that they did not like, and create a de facto regime, placing their man in power--without impunity--as the caudillos used to do.  

Fourteen heads of state of the Caribbean Community, known as Caricom, recognizing their weakness nevertheless called for an investigation of the incident by the UN Secretary General. Hiding behind the Security Council, which had manipulated the whole incident, the Secretary-General ignored their request. Once again, Haiti has made history by offering the stage for reversing the general rule of one-man one vote, the fundamental basis of democracy.

UN Flash Appeal for Humanitarian Assistance to Haiti Appealing ...

HAITI/UN SMORGASBORD

By Serge Beaulieu
UN Bureau Chief  

Procès-Verbal de la réunion du Counseil Tripartite

Le Processus Politique Décisionnel

(Texte Consolidé)

(Ce processus doit se dérouler dans les meilleurs délais, une semaine au maximum en tout.)

I : Le Conseil Tripartite

Les membres du Conseil sont nommés par le Gouvernement d’Haïti, la Plate-forme Démocratique et la communauté internationale. Ils auront à choisir par consensus et dans les meilleurs délais les sept membres du Conseil des Sages qui, à leur tour, choisiront le candidat pour le poste de Premier Ministre. Le processus décisionnel à part, le Conseil établit ses propres procédures.

Une personne membre de ce Conseil ne pourra faire partie du Conseil des Sages.

Le Conseil terminera son travail par la nomination des membres du Conseil des Sages.

II : Le Conseil des Sages

Le Conseil des Sages, largement représentatif des divers courants dans le pays, est choisi par le Conseil Tripartite. Il est composé de sept personnes. Les membres du Conseil des Sages seront des personnes de grande intégrité morale, reconnues pour leur expérience professionnelle, leur dévouement à la chose publique, provenant de divers secteurs socio-économiques et religieux, et qui représentent les différentes orientations politiques de la société haïtienne. Le Conseil établit ses propres procédures.

Une personne membre du Conseil des Sages ne pourra pas être nommée au poste de Premier Ministre.

Ce Conseil a pour tâche primaire de présenter au Président provisoire une candidature pour le poste de Premier Ministre.

Comme tâche secondaire, le Conseil sera consulté par le Premier Ministre dans le choix de son Cabinet.

III : Le Premier Ministre

Le Premier ministre est une personne neutre et indépendante, qui jouit de la confiance du public. Il est nommé par le Président provisoire sur la base de la candidature présentée par le Conseil des Sages. Le Président provisoire procède à la nomination dès réception de la candidature du Conseil des Sages.

Ce Premier Ministre ne pourra pas faire partie du gouvernement issu des prochaines élections.

IV : Le Cabinet

Le Cabinet est choisi par le Premier Ministre en consultation avec le Conseil des Sages et en accord avec le Président provisoire.

Les membres de ce Cabinet ne pourront pas faire parti du gouvernement issu des prochaines élections. 

Le 4 mars 2004

Communique de Presse   01/2004

                La Mission Permanente de la Republique Centrafricaine aupres des Nations Unies a l'honneur de faire tenir ci-joint, pour information, le texte du Communique Presidentiel diffuse suite a l'accueil reserve au President Jean-Bertrand ARISTIDE sur le territoire centrafricain.

                                                                        New York, le 2 Mars 2004

******************

HAITI AND THE UN

By Serge Beaulieu
UN Bureau Chief  

United Nations, January 27, 2004 (CNS NEWS)  

After more than a year of meeting after meeting about the situation in Haiti with top representatives of the Organization of American States in Washington , the question has been bounced over to the Caricom countries.  Last week, after a high level meeting in the Bahamas,  presided over by Jamaica’s Prime Minister Patterson, the question of sending troops to restore order in this turbulent island country was again introduced.  

For the last two months, demonstrators have occupied the streets of Haiti’s capital city Port-au-Prince as well as Gonaives, Cap Haitien, and other towns, calling for the departure of President Jean Bertrand Aristide.  Some students and other demonstrators have been killed.  President Aristide’s partisans organized a counter demonstration saying that their president will not budge, creating a conflict which nears the point of anarchy.  

Early Tuesday it was announced that the Secretary-General of the United Nations, who has been playing a passive role on the Haitian question, met in Paris with President Jacques Chirac and his his Foreign Minister Dominique de Villepin trying to find a way out.  Although the spokesperson for the Secretary-General did not reveal the content of the discussion, there is no doubt that a solution has to be found for the case of Haiti, which has been dominating the news.